The Problem with #OccupyOrangeCounty

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The problem with “Occupy Orange County” (or “OccupyOC” or “#OccupyOC”, whatever suits your fancy) is this: it’s not an occupation. It’s a series of rallies.  If what had happened in Zuccotti Park, in New York’s Financial District, were simply a series of rallies, it would not have capture attention.  Ditto, with more force,  the protests in Madison Wisconsin earlier this year, or in Tahrir Square in Egypt and elsewhere in the Arab world.

"Occupied when light is on" sign

Sorry, but everybody will just have to wait their turn!

An “occupation” — whether a sit-down strike, a “Hooverville,” or a continuing bubbling protest lasting weeks, as in New York — sticks around.  It gets in the way.  It forces the larger society either to accommodate it — or, often, overreact to it.  Whatever the merits one does or doesn’t see in occupation as a strategy (which I won’t address here), the event must be a prolonged and substantial disruption of normal activity or it isn’t an occupation.  It’s just a rally.  Don’t put the burden of expectation upon it that an occupation deserves.

So when I read that the the Plaza in Orange is being “occupied” today at noon, and that the financial district in Irvine is being “occupied” next Saturday, and that the Federal Building in Santa Ana is being “occupied” on the 22nd, what I say to myself is: “Oh, good — we’re having a series of solidarity rallies.”  But that’s all they are.  If you’re the police or another part of the government, you can wait out a solidarity rally.  You can’t necessarily wait out an occupation, which is like a siege, and so you have to deal with it some other way.  And that’s when things get both messy and interesting.

So while I’m all for a traveling series of solidarity rallies — I hear bubblings already about one coming to Fullerton — it mocks the success and the stakes of what is happening in New York to call them part of an “occupation.”  Maybe the famed Santa Ana police horses will break up the rally there on the 22nd, but in that case they are just breaking up a rally — as many similar rallies have been broken up before.  They would not be evicting people who had pledged to stay, as an irritant and a goad to the broader population, until they achieve enough of what they want.

The “occupation” happening in Los Angeles is also welcome — but is also unlike what has been taking place in New York.  The Los Angeles City Council welcomes — embraces, feeds — the occupiers.  This is no doubt well-intended — the politicians there know that there votes are likely to be sympathetic with the #Occupy movement — but it also lowers the stakes, turning the occupation into less of a strike and more of a tent city.  Part of the problem is that Los Angeles, unlike Manhattan’s financial district, is just not that emotionally connected to the banking industry.  (Try to occupy the movie and TV studios in Los Angeles and then you’ll see a strong institutional reaction!)

Orange County has some of the same disadvantages as a site for organizing as does, say, the state of Oregon, where the population is distributed between relatively small Portland, Beaverton, Salem, Eugene and Gresham (sort of Northern Oregon’s North Orange County) rather than concentrated in one area.  (Of course, OC has no single municipality that stands out the way Portland does in the above list.)  But we do have an advantage: we have a large concentration of extremely wealthy people who do have a similar (albeit smaller) stake in financial industries as one finds in Manhattan.  Call them, perhaps, the “Hundredth of a Percent.”

In the Irvine/Newport Beach area — more so than Orange, Santa Ana, Anaheim, Fullerton, Mission Viejo, Buena Park, Costa Mesa, Garden Grove, or wherever else one might think of — progressive activists who want to disrupt normal social functioning do have a worthy target, if they want one.  But the very worthiness of the target raises the stakes.  The Irvine City Council is relatively liberal — but they depend enough on the commercial industries in the area that they could not likely cheerily agree to suffer and to feed an army of protesters.  Newport Beach, on the other hand, would not even dream of enduring it.  So if you want to highlight income inequality, there you have a choice — commercial or residential? — and a story to tell.

Am I beating the drum here for such an occupation?  No — I don’t think it’s my place.  This, unlike a one-day rally with a permit, would be serious stuff.  People could get into serious trouble, seriously hurt both physically and financially.  If activists want to do that, they have to make up their minds on their own.  My point is simply that if one wants Downtown New York-style social disruption, highlighting income inequality, it’s not going to happen with one-day rallies (and, frankly, it’s probably not going to happen with “occupations” in Orange, Santa Ana, or Anaheim, either.)  If you want to take on the super-rich — you go find the super-rich.  And then prepare for the possibility that you’ll be treated like you’re homeless — if you catch my drift.

Mention of the homeless, of course, raises the big advantage that an Orange County has over a Manhattan: our celebrated weather.  If you want to occupy rather than rally, you need people who are willing to sleep overnight.  Who is most willing to do so?  People who don’t have any other choice — who have nowhere else to go.

I don’t mean to disparage one-day rallies in places like Orange or Santa Ana; they are useful, in part for letting people know that others around them share their views and concerns and passions.  But society rebounds from them quickly.  Those attending such rallies are not poseurs — they’re standing up to be counted.  But they’re also going to be discounted by the county’s power structure.

Imagine a different sort of protest for a moment.

How would Orange County society react if homeless people streamed in from across the country with plans to spend the winter camping in the stretch between South Coast Plaza, the Irvine Financial District, Newport Center, and along PCH from the Balboa Bay Club and down the Peninsula into Balboa Island?  What if they demanded — and, let’s always keep in mind, non-violently — to be fed and given places to shower and restrooms, if they interacted daily with the cream of Orange County society there?  Imagine that for a moment and you see the difference between a Rally and an Occupation.  Imagine that and you get a sense of what has been happening around Wall Street, around the Middle East.

Yes, I favor solidarity.  But don’t flatter yourself in thinking that you’re engaging in an “occupation” when you aren’t.

Am I proposing this above plan?  Frankly, no.  For one thing, I doubt that OC as an activist center is up to it.  (We ain’t Manhattan in more ways than one.)  But if and when you someday hear proposals like that being discussed in earnest, then you will know that Orange County protest has moved from the arena of the symbolic to that of the real.

I doubt that this will happen this year or even next.  But if you want to see the specter that might await, if income equality and avaricious looting by “the .01%” intensify, then imagine that sort of non-violent occupation along the Gold Coast.  This truly would be the — mild and sunny, of course — winter of Orange County’s discontent.

About Greg Diamond

Somewhat verbose attorney, semi-disabled and semi-retired, residing in northwest Brea. Occasionally ran for office against jerks who otherwise would have gonr unopposed. Got 45% of the vote against Bob Huff for State Senate in 2012; Josh Newman then won the seat in 2016. In 2014 became the first attorney to challenge OCDA Tony Rackauckas since 2002; Todd Spitzer then won that seat in 2018. Every time he's run against some rotten incumbent, the *next* person to challenge them wins! He's OK with that. Corrupt party hacks hate him. He's OK with that too. He does advise some local campaigns informally and (so far) without compensation. (If that last bit changes, he will declare the interest.) His daughter is a professional campaign treasurer. He doesn't usually know whom she and her firm represent. Whether they do so never influences his endorsements or coverage. (He does have his own strong opinions.) But when he does check campaign finance forms, he is often happily surprised to learn that good candidates he respects often DO hire her firm. (Maybe bad ones are scared off by his relationship with her, but they needn't be.)